Constituent Assembly Of India Debates (Proceedings) -  Volume X

 : We shall first take up the motion standing in the name of Shri Muniswamy Pillay.

 : Mr. President, with your permission, I beg to move :

"That the following amendments be made in the Rules governing the allowances of Members of the Constituent Assembly of India :-

Sir, this motion has been brought before the House for certain reasons. Everyone of the members of this august Assembly knows the present general economic condition in India and also the prevailing financial stringency. There has been a cry throughout this country that some savings must be made here and there to help the Government. This motion I have moved shows that the Members who are entitled to Rs.45 per day by way of daily allowance shall forego 11 per cent of it which makes it Rs.40. I know as a matter of fact that this is a small sacrifice. This august Body has go give a lead to the country to improve the economic conditions that prevail today.

Sir, this sum of Rs.40 to which we propose to reduce our daily allowance does not represent our salary. This matter was before the Staff and Finance Committee and the Members thereof felt that this should be placed before the Constituent Assembly. The Members are offering to cut down their daily allowance by 11 per cent. Voluntarily. I contacted many Members of this August Assembly and found that they are all unanimously of the opinion that a five rupee cut in the daily allowance will not be a hardship. In the circumstances I hope the House will give its consent to reduce the daily allowance of Members from Rs.45 to Rs.40.

The second part of my amendment is that exception (c) to Note 1 under rule (A) in paragraph 4 of the Handbook for Members be deleted. As one coming from Madras I know as a matter of fact that there is arrangement for running a restaurant car from Delhi to Balharshah and also from Balharshah to Delhi in the train service. This arrangement gives some convenience to Members for their meals and other things. At one time there was a feeling that this restaurant car was not meeting the demands mostly of the western style. But the present arrangement which is mostly of the Indian type caters both to vegetarians and non-vegetarians. The arrangements made in this respect from Delhi to Madras and back are in my opinion satisfactory. Of course, from Balharshah to Madras, the arrangement is not completely satisfactory, because the restaurant car is detached at Balharshah. But there are first class refreshment rooms and there are caterers who wait on the passengers at every important station and take orders and supply dinner and other things either in the train itself or at the halting places.

These two changes in the rules are therefore necessary and I hope the Members will vote unanimously for this motion.

: There is notice of an amendment to this motion by Shri Shankarrao Deo.

 : I am not moving my amendment, Sir.

 : *[Mr. President, Sir, I beg to move : my amendment which I have tabled in respect of the motion under discussion which has been moved by Shri Muniswamy Pillay proposing that the present amount of daily allowances to the Members of the Constituent Assembly should be reduced from rupees forty-five to forty only.

The amendment reads :

"That in the amendments to Rule (D), and to paragraph figure, brackets and words Rs.40 (Rupees forty) the figure, brackets and words Rs.20 (Rupees twenty) be substituted."

In my amendment I propose that Members should draw only rupees twenty for their daily allowance. There is a reason, Sir, for my suggesting this amendment and it is this. While we were fighting for freedom, every one of us, and I may say millions of our countrymen made every possible sacrifice that was needed to make our country free. After the country had made a lot of sacrifices through the efforts and kindness of Mahatmaji we achieved Swarajaya and made our country free. But after independence, I am sorry to say, Sir, such an atmosphere has grown in the country that everyone who took part in the freedom struggle wants now to earn more and to lead a pleasant and prosperous life. We are, no doubt, free now; but to retain out freedom it is necessary for every one of our countrymen to make sacrifices, for if we do not make sacrifice for the security of our freedom, and the conditions that are obtaining at present in the country continue further, I am afraid, we may be overtaken by chaos and our freedom may turn out to be a short-lived one. The financial position of the Government of the country is getting worse and worse and we should, therefore, make all possible sacrifices to improve it.

From the very start ours has been an organization of selfless people. There was an amendment in the name of Shri Shankarrao Deo which he has not moved ; I wish he had moved his amendment. The amendment he has sent in is not befitting a person of his standing who in his renunciating spirit has discarded even Kurta and Topi and does not put on Dhoti of the usual length of nine cubits. An amendment from him should have said that the Members should not take even a pie for their allowance.

He is a bachelor, I mean to say he is unmarried. Secondly, he has no family; and thirdly, his dress is much simpler than ours. I say he is a great and selfless person, nay I should say he is a sage or sanyasin. It was not proper for a great and selfless sage like him to have sent in an amendment like the one he has tabled.

 : May I ask if it is proper for us to speak in this strain about any person ?

 : I am not speaking anything against hi, rather I am expressing admiration for him; I consider him a selfless persons and a sage and this is what I have said about him. I do not think that there can be any objection against the terms. I have used about him. I only means to say that an amendment from a leader like him should have been to the effect that the Members should not take even a pie as allowance.

Sir, I am a family man ; I have my family and children, whom I have to provide for. I require clothes and house for them. It is, therefore, natural that I may taken some amount as allowance. But at the same time I do wish to make some sacrifice. So, maintaining a balance between our requirements and the sense of sacrifice, I have moved my amendment and every Member of the House who is at least of my status and not thjat of Shri Shankarrao Deo, should accept a minimum allowance of rupees twenty a day. My amendment, Sir, is quite reasonable. Every Member who has so far been making sacrifices should continue to make sacrifice in future also. I believe for a selfless person, my amendment alone is right and every selfless person should accept it.

Outside this House we hear every one exhorting for sacrifice. We hear talks for making sacrifice from the Members of this House and from the Congress platform. Out leaders are also making constant requests to all to make all possible sacrifice for the country. If we, therefore, accept the amendment of Shri Muniswamy Pillay which lays down a nominal sacrifice of rupees five only, it would not be decent and proper for the honourable Members of this House. This sacrifice is not in conformity with the dignity of the Members of the House. If you go to villages and say that you have sacrificed rupees five a day from your income, the people will laugh at you.

 : Is there any discussion necessary on this point?

 : I am about to conclude my observations now. So in view of what I have said, Sir, my amendment is very proper and I hope the House will accept it.

(Shri R.K. Sidhva rose to speak)

 : Is there any discussion necessary ?

 : The question may now be put.

 : Sir, I wholeheartedly support the motion move by .

 : What is the use of this discussion ?

 : Sir, the only point that I want to make is that the cut should be voluntary. the Ministers are also having a cut voluntarily. We can unanimously make a declaration in the House that we shall also forego Rs. 5 a day. That will be more graceful than amending the rules and making it compulsory. Nothing else.

 : Mr. Sidhva's point is that instead of amending the rules, let it be in the form of a resolution which every Member will undertake to follow. His point is that instead of making it compulsory by an amendment of the rules, let it be in the form of a resolution which every Member will accept.

 : May I say a few words about the amendment moved by Mr. Khandekar. So far as Mr. Sidhva's point is concerned, a resolution practically comes to the same thing.

 : How will the office prepare the bills ?

 : On the basis of the resolution.

 : No, the office cannot prepare the bills on the basis of a voluntary resolution, unless the Member concerned gives it in writing. Can you do that for every Member here ? Every Member will have to do it individually.

 : The salary of the Ministers is regulated by an Act. The act is not amended. Yet the cut has been only voluntary. In this case also similar procedure should be adopted.

 : The Ministers are so few in numbers and all of them can give it in writing. But we are here more than three hundred. All of us are not present here.

 : For one thing, most of our Members are not here. Therefore, let the Assembly decide this question.

 : Sir, these rules were made by this Assembly and I think it is only proper that a motion should be moved and carried. Mr. Khandekar was referring to the question whether Members were having any extra expenses. I do think that is relevant. When we accepted the original motion in this house, no personalities were concerned or mentioned. There were some members here having their families and servants. Thus having two establishments entailing heavy expenses. At the time the rules were made the Assembly came to the unanimous conclusion by fixing the allowances at Rs. 45. Now, this motion seeks to reduce it by Rs. 5 and make it Rs. 40 and instead of the circutous route via Bombay and paying more money from the Government, we are providing for the shortest route and paying the amount which is actually due.

 : I will first put Mr. Khandekar's amendment to the vote. The question is :-

"That in the amendments to Rule (D) and to paragraph 8, for the proposed figure, brackets and words Rs. 40 (Rupees forty) the figure, brackets and words Rs. 20 (Rupees twenty) be substituted."

 : The question is :-

"That the following amendments be made in the Rules governing the allowances of Members of the Constituent Assembly of India :-

The motion was adopted

DRAFT CONSTITUTION (contd.)

Article 59
 

 : Then we will take up the consideration of the articles on the Order Paper. Article 59, amendment No. 445.

 : May I suggest that we take up the articles for which amendments were circulated earlier. These amendments were given to us only this morning.

 : They were distributed to Members yesterday evening when we were sitting in the House.

 : Mr. President, Sir, the amendments to articles 59, 62, 141, 175 and 13 would mean reopening the articles already passed. May I suggest that the permission of the House be taken ?

 : Does the House give leave to reopen these articles ?

 : Yes.

 : Sir, I move 

"That for sub-clause (b) of clause (1) of article 59, the following sub-clause be substituted :-

(b) in all cases where the punishment or sentence is for an offence under any law relating to a matter to which the executive power of the Union extends"

Sub-clause (b) of the original article 59, which relates to the powers of the President to grant pardons, reads thus :-

"(b) in all cases where the punishment or sentence is for an offence under any law relating to a matter with respect to which Parliament has, and the Legislature of the State in which the offence is committed has not, power to make laws."

This means that the concurrent field would be left in a very nebulous position. In article 60 it is provided that in matters where Parliament so decides the executive power of the Union will extend to the States in respect of subjects falling within the concurrent field. This position will be left nebulous. Therefore the amendment seeks to remedy that defect, making the power of the President to grant pardon to extend to all matters to which the executive power of the Union extends.

There will have to be a consequential amendment in regard to article 141 where the power of pardon is given to the President, which I shall move presently if this amendment is approved by the House.

 : Sir, I have tabled an amendment to this. I could not send it earlier.

I move :

"That in amendment No. 445 of List XX in the proposed sub-clause (b) of clause (1) of article 59, after the words `offence under any law' the words ‘made by Parliament’ be inserted."

I understand the purpose of amendment No. 445, but it goes much wider tan its intention, because the executive power of the Union extends not only to laws made by Parliament but also to some of the laws made by the legislature of a State. For instance, in articles 234 and 234A which deal with the giving of directions, the executive power of the Union extends to some laws made by the Legislature of a State. Yesterday, in the matter of financial emergency, we have provided that the executive power of the Union extends to matters relating to money Bills and financial matters. We do not want that in the case of offence under laws made by a State Legislature the right of pardon should accrue to the President. Therefore I want to limit it to offences under any law by Parliament. The point is when Parliament makes any law under the concurrent List and gives executive power to the Union Executive then the power of pardon should be with the President. But we do not want to give the power of pardon to the President even when the executive power extends t laws made by a State Legislature. Therefore, I think the amendment is too wide and I want to limit it to laws made by Parliament .

I am afraid the Drafting Committee who are naturally very tired are trying to introduce amendments drafted in haste. They have had time to scrutinise them and we have had no time either to scrutinise them.

 : May I on a point of order say that the honourable Member is perfectly right to speak about himself. If he has had no time, we agree. But I do not think he ought to cast any aspersions on the Drafting Committee as not having had any time to scrutinise them. I would like to say that we have scrutinised every amendment. If we did not have the time to scrutinise these amendments we would not have tabled them.

 : Saying that they had no time is not casting any aspersions on the Drafting Committee.

 : I am not disputing their intention or ability, but I am saying that they are hurried which is a matter of fact.

 : Now we are at the fag end of the clauses and over four or five clauses we need not quarrel.

 : But some of the amendments tabled are matters of substance which, I think, will have to be debated at length. I leave it to you, Sir, but so far as this is concerned I think the words " made by Parliament" are absolutely essential to make the meaning precise and clear.

 : Sir, the amendment moved by my Friend Mr. Santhanam is quite unnecessary. It has been brought in by him because he has forgotten to take account of the provisions contained in article 60. Article 60 says that the executive power of the Union shall extend to all matters and respect to which Parliament has power to make laws, provided that it shall not so extend, unless the Parliament, law so provides, to matters with respect to which the Legislature of the States has also power to make laws that is, matters in the Concurrent List. Therefore, the amendment moved by my Friend Mr. Krishnamachari in sub-clause (b) of clause (1) of article 59 cannot go beyond the power of Parliament to make laws.

 : The article does not limit it only to those laws; it can also extend further.

 : No, it cannot extend further. The necessity for bringing an amendment in sub-clause (b) is this: the executive power of the centre extends not only to matters enumerated in List I but may also extend to matters enumerated in List III. And the position of the Drafting Committee is this, that whenever a law is made by Parliament, in respect of any matter contained in List III if the law confers executive power on the Centre, the power of the President to grant reprieve must extend to that law. Therefore, these words are necessary. Mr. Santhanam's amendment is absolutely unnecessary and out of place because article 60 covers the point.

: The question is :

     "That in amendment No. 445 of List XX, in the proposed sub-clause (b) of clause (1) of article 59, after the words `offence under any law' the words `made by Parliament' be inserted."

The amendment was negatived

 : The question is :

     "That for sub-clause (b) of clause (1) of article 59, the following sub-clause be substituted :-

(b) in all cases where the punishment or sentence is for an offence under any law relating to mater to which the executive power of the4 Union extends;"

The Amendment was adopted.

Article 62

 : Sir, I move :

     "That in clause (5) of article 62, for the words `who from the date of his appointment is, for a period of six consecutive months, not a member', the words `who for any period of six consecutive months is not a member' be substituted."

This is a purely verbal alteration in regard to the qualification, or rather the disqualification, of Ministers. If my memory is correct, I think this wording was pointed out to us as being more suitable by my honourable Friend Mr. Gupte at the time we passed this article. And I think Dr. Ambedkar had in mind examining the position. We feel this is the more appropriate wording and therefore we have suggested this amendment.

Incidentally I might mention that there is an amendment tabled by my honourable Friend Mr. Santhanam which may be quite correct, but it is only a matter of variation again of the language. Really the amendment is not a matter of substance but putting the thing in the precise form so as to avoid any mistaken interpretation that may arise in the future.

 : It is quite correct as my Friend Mr. Krishnamachari has said that my amendment is only to make matters clear because, as the official amendment stands, there is no clear indication where to begin the period of six months and how to count it. It may also be construed – though it may not appear a very correct interpretation – that the period may be counted even before he became a Minister, because it may be said that if a person is not a member of Parliament he cannot be appointed a Minister. Our object is that a person who is not a member of Parliament may be appointed Minister, but after that appointment he must become a member within six months and must continue to be a member afterwards. Therefore my amendment is :

     "That in amendment No. 446 of List XX, in clause (5) of article 62, for the proposed words 'who for any period of six consecutive months is not a member' the words 'who after the date of his appointment, is for any period of six consecutive months not a member', be substituted."

When we changed from the wording of the Government of India Act 1935, I remember this was discussed by us and we put the words "from the date of appointment" as the beginning of the period. But in interpretation it may mean that afterwards he may cease to be a member after six months and such a case may not be covered. So I agree that the amendment is desirable. But if the words "after the date of appointment" are put in it will become much more precise.

 : May I suggest that for the word "after" which Mr. Santhanam suggests, the word "from" would be more appropriate? "After" is not correct.

 : "From" may mean that for the first six months he should be member and afterwards if he ceases to be member he may continue to be minister. That is the lacuna which we are trying to fill up.

 : There is only one point I would like to mention in respect of Mr. Santhanam's amendment. His amendment is practically the same, except for a minor difference, namely, in a position where a person is a Minister who after having been elected duly and later on during four or five months after the original election some irregularity is found in the election and the election is set aside. Mr. Santhanam's amendment would not cover such a case. So I would suggest that we should err on the safe side and that the House should accept the amendment moved by me.

 : I do not press my amendment.

The amendment was, by leave of the Assembly, withdrawn.

 : Then I put No 446. The question is :

     "That in clause (5) of article 62, for the words 'who from the date of his appointment is, for a period of six consecutive months, not a member' the words who for any period of six consecutive months is not a member be substituted."

The amendment was adopted.

Article 147

 : I move No. 447, which reads thus :

     "That in article 141, for the words 'with respect to which the Legislature of the State has power to make laws' the words 'to which the executive power of the State extends' be substituted."

I have already explained the position while moving amendment No. 445 which the House was good enough to accept. This merely seeks to remedy the position so far as the Governor's powers of granting pardon are concerned.

 : The question is :

     "That in article 141, for the words 'with respect to which the Legislature of the State has power to make laws' the words 'to which the executive power of the State extends' be substituted."
 

The motion was adopted.

Article 175

 : Sir, I move :

     "That to article 175, the following proviso be added :-

'Provided further that the Governor shall not assent to, but shall reserve for consideration of the President any Bill which in the opinion of the Governor would, if it became law, so derogate from the powers of the High Court as to endanger the position which that court is by this Constitution designed to fill'."

The reason why we have to bring in this amendment at this stage is this. An amendment had been tabled by Dr. Ambedkar – No. 3406 of Volume II of amendments to amendments – seeking to recast the 4^th Schedule, which the House has now decided to drop, and therefore Dr. Ambedkar could not move it. In that amendment, in clause (7) provision had been made in regard to the substance of the proviso which I have now moved. If the 4^th Schedule had been there, this amendment would not have been necessary. At the time we considered article 175 we were not quite sure whether the 4^th Schedule will be a part of the Constitution or not. That is my explanation for bringing forward this amendment.

On the merits, the house will recognise that the high courts happen to be, so far as appointment had jurisdiction and all that is concerned, a mater exclusively of Central competence. But there are matters in which the Provinces also can interfere and this proviso is intended to protect any hasty action by a province in regard to the powers of the High Court and it directs that the Governor should reserve such Bills for the assent of the President. The matter is by itself very simple and follows a principle accepted in the body of the Constitution. I think there can be no serious objection to this amendment.

 : Mr. President, I would request my Friend Mr. Krishnamachari to throw some light on an obscure aspect of the matter, obscure to me. I do not follow his argument when he says that some measures or Bills might be introduced which might endanger the position. First of all, of such Bills were going to be introduced would it not be ultra vires of the legislature at its very inception, ab initio? Will not the introduction of the Bill be prevented by the Constitution ? Then again, I have some objection to the language used in the last portion of this amendment. It is very cumbrous. It could be simplified with advantage to all concerned. Instead of saying, "as to endanger the position … and all that, will it not be enough to say " so derogate from the powers of the High Court conferred upon it by (or under) the Constitution"? That would bring out the meaning of the article clearly. I do not see any necessity for this cumbrous verbiage towards the end of the amendment.

 : The clause moved by my friend Mr. Krishnamachari is of old standing. It occurs in the instrument of instructions issued to the governor of the provinces under the Government of India Act, 1935.

Paragraph 17 of the Instrument of Instructions says :

     "Without prejudice to the generality of his powers as to reservation of Bills our Governor shall not assent in our name to, but shall reserve for the consideration of our Governor-General any Bill or any of the clauses herein specified, i.e.

'(b) any Bill which in his opinion would, if it became law so derogate from the powers of the High Court as to endanger the position that that Court is, by the Act, designed to fulfil.'"

This clause is the old Instrument of Instructions the Drafting Committee had bodily copied in the Fourth Schedule which they had proposed to introduce and it will be found in Vol. II of the amendments at pages 368-369. In view of the fact that the House on my recommendation came to the conclusion that for the reasons which I then stated it was unnecessary to have any such schedule containing instructions to the Governors of the States in Part I, it is felt by the Drafting Committee that, at any rate, that particular part of the proposed Instrument of Instructions, paragraph 17, should be incorporated in the Constitution itself. Now, Sir, the reasons for doing this are these :

The High Court are placed under the Centre as well as the Provinces. So far as the organisation and the territorial jurisdiction of the High Court are concerned, they are undoubtedly under the Centre and the Province have no power either to alter the organisation of the High Court or the territorial jurisdiction of the High Court. But with regard to pecuniary jurisdiction and the jurisdiction with regard to any matters that are mentioned in List II, the power rests under the new Constitution with the States. It is perfectly possible, for instance, for a State Legislature to pass a Bill to reduce the pecuniary jurisdiction of the High Court by raising the value of the suit that may be entertained by the High Court. That would be one way whereby the State would be in a position to diminish the authority of the High Court.

Secondly, in enacting any measure under any of the Entries contained in List II, for instance, debt cancellation or any such matter it would be open for the Provinces to say that the decree made by any such Court or Board shall be final and conclusive, and that the High Court should have no jurisdiction in that matter at all.

It seems to me that any such Act would amount to a derogation from the authority of the High Court which this Constitution intends to confer upon it. Therefore, it is felt necessary that before such law becomes final, the President should have the opportunity to examine whether such a law should be permitted to take effect or whether such a law was so much in derogation of the authority of the High Court that the High Court merely remained a shell without any life in it.

I, therefore, submit that in view of the fact that the High Court is such an important institution intended by the Constitution to adjudicate between the Legislature and the Executive and between citizen and citizen such a power given to the President is a very necessary power to maintain an important institution which has been created by the Constitution. That is the purpose for which this amendment is being introduced.

 : What about my suggestion to simplify the language?

 : I cannot at this stage consider any drafting amendments.

 :  Do it later on.

 : I will now put it to vote.

The question is :

      "That to article 175 the following proviso be added :

'Provided further that the Governor shall not assent to, but shall reserve for the consideration of the President, any which in the opinion of the Governor would, if it became law, so derogate from the powers of the High Court as to endanger the position which that court, is by this Constitution designed to fill.'"

The amendment was adopted.

Article 13
 

 : There is a previous amendment of which notice has been given – amendment No. 415.

 : I do not propose to move it.

Sir, I move.

     "That in clause (2) of article 13, after the word ‘defamation’ the word ‘contempt of court’ be inserted."

Sir, the House will recognise that amendment No. 415 was originally tabled, as we had been advised by our legal advisers that there will be certain difficulties in regard to the exception in sub-clause (2) of article 13 in so far as the operation of sub-clause (a) of clause (1) of article 13 is concerned. But, Sir, a number of honourable Members of this House spoke about this amendment to Members of the Drafting Committee and they felt that it is not an amendment merely seeking to remedy a lacuna but altering the character of the clause in its entirety. They objected to two words public order being included. The idea, at any rate, of a part of that amendment was to cover one category of what might be called lapses in the exercise of freedom of speech and expression, namely, a person might be speaking on a matter which is sub judice and thereby interfere with the administration of justice. That is a category of offences which is not covered by the exceptions mentioned in clause (2) or article 13, so far as the right of freedom of speech and expression is concerned. Honourable Members of this house will realize that it was not our intention to allow contempt of court to take place without any let or hindrance, and it is not our idea that sub-clause (a) of clause (1) of article 13 should be used for this purpose.

We, therefore, felt, Sir, that we would restrict ourselves to merely remedying a lacuna rather than extending the scope of the exceptions mentioned in clause (2) and that is why we have decided to drop the original amendment 415 and we have tabled amendment No. 449 in which contempt of court will figure on a par with libels, slander, defamation or any mater which offends against decency or morality, or which undermines the security of, or tends to overthrow, the State. Actually, contempt of court will figure with the first three and it is a very necessary protection so far as our law courts are concerned, and I hope the House will have no objection to accepting this amendment.

 : There is an amendment by Prof. Saksena. I do not understand it. Will he explain it ?

 : For "contempt of court" read "or contempt of court". That has been omitted by inadvertence.

 : `Contempt of court or any matter' : That comes later. Technically, Sir, there ought to be a comma after "defamation."

 : Mr. President, with your permission I propose to move my amendment No. 435 which was intended to amend No. 415 but this amendment has not been moved. My amendment seeks to substitute for the words 'any law' the words 'any reasonable law'. That was the old amendment in respect of amendment No. 415. Now instead of 415 Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari has moved an amendment adding the words 'contempt of court' after the word 'defamation' instead of the words "morality, public order or the administration of justice" and when I gave the amendment it was in view of the words 'public order or the administration of justice'. All the same my amendment does not lose it value in so far as I wanted that the article 13 should be amended. The change in the amendment of Mr. Krishnamachari makes no difference to me. So with your permission I beg to move :

     "That for the words 'any law' the words 'any reasonable law' be substituted."

 : Law is always reasonable.

 The law has been defined only as a measure which is passed by the legislature. The law can be both reasonable as well as unreasonable. The law that all blue eyed persons be killed will be a good law though an unreasonable one. We are competent to pass any law which is reasonable or otherwise. We certainly pass laws through ignorance, passion, panic and prejudice which look reasonable to some and unreasonable to others. Therefore, the courts have been given the power to see whether the laws are reasonable or otherwise. You have already passed under article 13 certain amendments to the original article 13 which when amended said that the courts are empowered to see whether any restrictions are reasonable or not. The legislature is competent to pass any kind of law and the courts are therefore empowered in certain matters to see that the powers exercised by the legislature are reasonable. So far as the fundamental aspect is concerned. I do not think any person shall doubt that the courts can be armed with a power like this because we have already armed the courts with these powers.

Now coming to the amendment of Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari he wants that the words "contempt of court" be added after the word "defamation" in article 13(2) and the clause would read thus :

     "Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) of this article shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from making any law, relating to libel, slander, defamation, contempt of court, or any other matter which offends against decency or morality or tends to overthrow the State."

In regard to this contempt of court, my contention is this, that these words need not be added to article 13, because as a matter of fact contempt of law as we understand it consists of a certain piece of conduct not necessarily with freedom of speech, because when you read the law relating to contempt of court, you will find in section 480 of the Criminal Procedure Code that usually the contempt of the ordinary courts of law consists in the infringement of sections 175, 178 and 179 and sections 180 and 288 of the Indian Penal Code. All these sections relate to certain pieces of conduct of the individual. For instance section 175 relates to non-taking of the summons from a court peon, omission to produce document; sections 178, 179 and 180 relate to the refusal to reply to question put by the Court or refusal to take any oath; and similarly section 288 applies when there is an interruption of any judicial proceedings or when there is any insult offered to the court; insult can be offered in many ways and not necessarily by way of speech.

Therefore my submission is that the essence of any of these sections is that a wrong motion or wrong conduct or attitude is penalized and not speech by itself. The courts are empowered to take cognizance of the act of contempt and there and then deal with these offences. My first contention, therefore, is that these sections 175, 178, 180 and 288 which are the subject-matter of contempt as envisaged in section 480 do not relate to the freedom of speech at all and therefore, this amendment is not germane to the subject of the freedom of speech and expression.

Moreover, Sir, we have already passed article 118 in this Constitution. It relates to the powers of the Supreme Court and in so far as the contempt of the Supreme Court is concerned it is already covered by law and the Supreme Court is perfectly entitle to deal with cases of contempt. In regard to other courts, Sir, the law is generally contained either in the law of defamation or in Act 12 of 1926. Apart from visible contempt committed in the view of the courts as envisaged in section 480. Criminal Procedure Code. Comments of judicial acts of courts and magistrates are in the nature of technical contempt, and if you want to change the law, relating to such contempt, if you want to take away the powers of freedom of speech, you must enact that f the legislature passes and such law, it must be subject to the scrutiny of the courts.

As far 'defamation', under which such contempt usually comes it is covered by the provisions in the Penal Code. This question of defamation is a very intricate one. In so far as civil defamation is concerned truth is absolute defamation but so far as the criminal defamation is concerned the greater the truth the greater the defamation. When you arm the legislature with such plenary powers to make any law and that law is not subject to the scrutiny by the courts, it means that the legislature is given a very free hand and the freedom of speech will be reduced to a mere farce. We had lately an Act which was enacted by the previous Government in so far as they armed the courts to punish persons who made comments in respect of certain judgments. It was called the Judicial Officers' Protection Act and the provisions of that Act were very wide and sweeping. It may be that the contempt of courts may include cases of such contempt also. In regard to such contempt cases, which are technically contempt cases and which are not committed in the view of the court, there and then, they may come within the purview of the contempt law and as such should be controlled and their interpretation should be made amendable to the jurisdiction of the court. If we do not do that, my fear is that the liberty of freedom of speech and expression will practically become a nullity.

If you kindly see the six clauses of article 13, you will find the words "reasonable restrictions". But in clause (2) there are no such words "reasonable restrictions", which means that a legislature has been given full powers to place any kind of restriction, reasonable or unreasonable. When the subject matter of clause (2) was only confined to certain matters, I could understand that the word "reasonable" might have been omitted. Even then so far as the question of "sedition" was concerned when the original article was before us we amended this law and we saw that the word "sedition" did not cover cases which it ought not to have dealt with. Therefore we changed the words thus: "which undermines the security of or tends to overthrow the State", and because these words were changed, the word, "reasonable" was not put in clause (2). Now clause (2) will not only deal with ordinary matters but the question of freedom of speech in regard to the executive authority of the courts is being introduced in it.

Therefore, since we are enlarging the scope of clause (2) it stands to reason that we may also enlarge the scope of the restriction upon the power of the legislature in so far as, if we introduce the word "reasonable" before the word 'law' then we will attain our object and we will also attain this object of restricting the scope of the legislature in defining defamation, libel, slander, etc. or any other matter which offends again decency or morality. All these matter will be rationalized to a certain extent and instead of reducing the rights and privileges of the citizens of the Republic it would be better if we enlarge their liberties and I therefore suggest that instead of the words 'any law' the words 'any reasonable law' may be substituted. In case we do not agree to amend it further by the addition of these words, my fear is that again we will be going forward in the process which we are unfortunately after, viz. whatever has been given in article 13 may be taken away in some form or other. We have already done this by enacting article 24, articles 244, 278, 307 and other articles.

Therefore, my humble submission is that in regard to this most important matter relating to freedom of speech and expression we should so arrange matters that what has been given is not taken away and whatever powers we have given to the legislatures, they may be curtailed to this extent that they may be subject to the scrutiny of the courts. After all, the courts are as much the creatures of the Government as the legislature. Therefore, there is no point in having suspicion against the authority of the courts when you yourself are giving the legislature the power of arming the courts to hold persons guilty of contempt or proceeding against them in regard to contempt of court, in executive manner. You are by the amendment giving the power to the courts to see whether the law enacted in respect of contempt of court is good or not. As a matter of fact, you are helping the courts in one way and enlarging the authority of the courts in another way. Therefore, I submit that this amendment of mine should be accepted by the House. ||19|

 : Mr. President, Sir, this amendment relates to article 13 clause (1) (a). Clause (1) (a) says, All citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression. Clause (2) imposes a restriction on making speeches and using any words which may be libel, slander or defamation. My honourable Friend Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari wants that the words "contempt of court" should be inserted after the word 'defamation.'

First of all, let me state that this is not a consequential amendment. This is a fundamental proposition that is being brought before this House. We know, Sir, about this contempt of court, how the Judges have been exercising their powers in the past, as if they are infallible, as if they do not commit any mistakes. Even third class magistrates, first class magistrates and sub-judges have been passing such strictures which even High Court Judges themselves sit as the prosecutors. They themselves want the judiciary and executive functions to be separated. In cases of contempt of court, the High Court Judges is the prosecutor and he himself sits and decides cases in which he himself has felt that contempt of court has been committed. We have many cases before us. I will quote the illustration of two cases, Mr. B. G. Horniman, the Editor of "Sentinel" and Mr. Devadas Gandhi, Editor of the "Hindustan Times". the Allahabad High Court passed strictures against the very reasonable comments made by these two persons. They preferred to go to the jail and went to jail rather than submit to the ex parte decision of the High Court. I cannot understand why my lawyer friends there are very lenient to the judges. After all, Judges have not got two horns; they are also human beings. They are, liable to commit mistakes. Why should we show so much leniency to them? We must safeguard the interest of the public. If a citizen by way of making a speech condemns the action of a third class magistrate or a fourth class magistrate who has passed strictures upon the public, is he not entitled to make a speech and comment upon it ?

It is unfair that in the matter of contempt of court, this clause is to be added. I strongly resent it. It is very unfair that the citizen after having been given some rights, and having been restricted by so many clauses, you want to further restrict it by inserting "contempt of court". In contempt of court, we know when certain extraordinary things happen, High Court judges have some sort of power. Here, you have the power right down from the magistrate up to the High Court judges. Even there, I say the High Court judges are not infallible ; they have also committed so many mistakes. They do not want any comment to be made against a High Court judge when comment was necessary in the interest of the public life.

With these words, Sir, I feel that at this juncture the Drafting Committee may drop these words "contempt of court" which has always been a bone of contention both on the part of the newspapers and the public. I want to know in what constitution contempt of court is being inserted. My honourable Friend Mr. Alladi Krishnaswami Ayyar will guide whether in any constitution in the world contempt of court is included. That power already exists with the judges. Why do you want to put that in the Constitution and make the Judge above everybody? You want to make him a Super God.

 : This has nothing to do with courts. If you read the article you will see that it says that nothing in sub-clause (a) shall effect the operation of any existing law in so far as it relates to, or prevent the State from making any law relating to contempt.

 : It relates to the citizens. The citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression provided they do not make a speech which ma be libel, slander, defamation or contempt of court. A judgment may have been passed by a court……

 : A law may be passed which will prevent defamation of a private individual; but a law may not be passed which will prevent defamation or libel of a court; that is what your argument comes to.

 : I do not want any law to be made in respect of contempt of court. I am very clear on this point because in my past experience about contempt of court, from the lowest to the highest court judges have not been impartial. Therefore I am opposed to this amendment.

 : Mr. President, Sir, a warm controversy hangs round Contempt of Court. I submit that the High Court should have the power to punish for contempt in a summary manner. The reason is that the trial in a case must be conducted in an atmosphere of calm without any prejudice, on the evidence alone. If there is no power to proceed for Contempt of Court, any one may start a newspaper trial of a case pending in a Court or it may be that he indulges in public harangues about the merits of a case and thereby seriously prejudice the fair and impartial trial of a case. It is for this reason that contempt of Court has found a place in our statute book. There is an act of 1926 namely the Contempt of Courts Act. There are some contempts which can be punished by event he smallest magistrates. Mr. Sidhva described him as the Fourth Class Magistrate; there is no such thing at all. If there is a man who interrupts the proceedings of a Court, he should be punished summarily by any Court. There are may other serious kinds of contempt which could be punished only the High Court.

It is said that the High Court becomes the complainant or the prosecutor. I do not think so. Really, the dignity of the Court is impaired or its impartiality is challenged and the High Court alone should have the power to punish for contempt. To quote an example, if we show contempt to the President, the President alone should have the summarily power to deal with it. It is by way of analogy that Contempt of Court should be a part of the law. It is already a part of the law, Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava pointed out that we have already provided for Contempt of Court to be dealt with by the Courts in another place and his only objection to this amendment is whether it should find a place in clause (2) of article 13. It is very difficult on the spur of the moment to find out what is the effect of the provision we have already made. We are changing our mind so often and introducing new amendments of a scrappy character so often that it is often impossible to find out what an amendment means. It would, at the most, be overlapping. If there is overlapping that would not be very much of a fault in this Constitution as there is plenty of overlapping in other places. I submit, therefore, that the amendment should rather be accepted.

With regard to Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava's amendment that the words 'any law' should be substituted by the words 'any reasonable law', it would be useless in practice. If any law is to be passed, it is to be passed by the Legislature. It has always to be assumed that the Legislature passes a law which is, or at least it considers to be reasonable and not unreasonable. After all, a Legislature is absolutely free. The Legislature cannot contravene any constitutional limitation. But the word 'reasonable' cannot be a condition. That condition must be assumed in their very power, and the fact that elected men will make laws necessarily implies that the laws made are reasonable. But supposing we introduce this expression and make it "reasonable law" it will have no binding force on the Legislature. The word 'reasonable' would not in the least curtail their power or in the least fetter their discretion. In these circumstances, the word 'reasonable' would be absolutely unnecessary and quite meaningless in practice, and so the amendment should not be accepted; and so far as the Contempt of Court amendment is concerned, for the time being it should be accepted, subject of course to further consideration by the Drafting Committee that there is no overlapping in two places.

 : Sir, I seek your protection from the tyranny of the Drafting Committee. The Fundamental Rights were passed by us with great solemnity – I am not a lawyer, but being a common man I understand the Fundamental Rights given to us after great consideration in so many Committees and after serious consideration by this House. What has happened for the last two or three days that we are suffering from the tyranny of the Drafting Committee ? On the 15^th we received amendments to article 13 by the same two gentlemen – the Honourable Dr. Ambedkar and Mr. T. T. Krishnamachari – and today Mr. Krishnamachari has moved another amendment. Last night we got the present amendment which the House is concerned. Fundamental Rights cannot suddenly be changed. If today was not the last day of this house to consider further amendments, article 304 would have applied to any changes in the Constitution; for any changes to the Constitution. it says :

     "An amendment of the Constitution may be initiated by the introduction of a Bill for the purpose in either House of Parliament, and when the Bill is passed in each House by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting etc."

When Dr. Ambedkar himself as Chairman had provided in Part XVI – Amendment of the Constitution – with such solemnity, how does the change taken place overnight ?

I am not one who thinks very high of the judges particularly as they are trained under the British tradition and they have misapplied justice and kept us down. I have not read in any place of public utterances that the High Court Judges or other court Judges or Magistrates in India have changed since August 1947 and have a better realization of their function and duties. If Dr. Ambedkar, ten years hence on his retirement, writes a book on the vagaries of Courts, about contempt of court, he will see his particular partially overnight to give certain more powers to these magistrates and judges were not called for. It will be a very wonderful book where many penniless lawyers became judges and regulated and controlled the affairs and rule of the allien Raj by the world 'contempt of court' and the chicken-hearted lawyers got frightened at them.

 : So far as High Courts are concerned, all parties and all people in this country have always held them in high esteem and it is no use casting as persons on them generally. There may have been individual Judges who may have erred, but we should not cast aspersions on the judiciary as a whole.

 : Sir, I bow to your ruling. I wish my heart becomes pure and I respect the Judges in India for their eminent position and for their due discharge of their duties. However, I seek your protection. If I have my personal view, I will oppose any tempering with any articles in the Fundamental Rights to the Third Reading of this Constitution. We must have some sanctity over change of Fundamental Rights. If it were such a mistake, how is it that it was not spotted on the 15^th of this month? It is spotted only yesterday. Dr. Ambedkar has been described as the Manu of this century. Do Manus change overnight ? In that case everyone of us will be Manu and not Dr. Ambedkar alone. I think no harm will be done if this amendment to article 13 does not take place. Let Parliament meet, let Dr. Ambedkar himself bring out a Bill and we will examine it on its merits. But why tamper with Fundamental Rights? That is my submission and I do hope, Sir, as our President, you will be pleased to give a ruling over such matters as amendments to Fundamental Rights.

 : Mr. President, I am jealous for the dignity and respect of the Judges. I hold that in democracy judges should be respected by all classes of people and there should be dignity attached to the person and their functions. But one thing I object to is that this contempt of court addition is unnecessary because the article has the words 'existing law' and there is a provision in Cr. P.C. Section 480, which deals with contempt of Court during the proceedings when the Court itself has the power to punish the man committing the contempt. There is another contempt of court Act which empowers the High Court to take cognizance of any contempt of court anywhere. Therefore in view of the existing provisions – and I think they are sufficient to deal with the situation – no more protection is necessary. This addition is therefore unnecessary and undesirable.

 : Sir, I do not think the argument of the last speaker is correct because article 13 will modify the existing law. Therefore provision for contempt of court is necessary but my difficulty is that under article 13(2) every State Legislature is given the power to enact a law relating to contempt of court. If dozen legislatures enact dozen different laws relating to contempt of court. I think the position, especially of newspapers will become very difficult.

For instance, if the Madras Legislature makes a law relating to contempt of court, it will apply, of course, according to its jurisdiction, only to the papers published in Madras. But it will not apply to all papers coming from anywhere in India and circulating in Madras, and that will happen in every province. So far as defamation, slander, etc. are concerned, they are actionable wrongs which are put in the Concurrent List. When there is any confusion, Parliament can step in and bring about uniformity. But in the case of contempt of court, I do not think it is open to Parliament to bring about uniformity. Therefore, if they want to put it in article 13 there must be a separate item in the Concurrent List so that at any time Parliament can step in and bring about some uniformity of law. Otherwise, the insertion of the words "contempt of court" here, I suggest under clause (2) of article 13 will result in different laws of contempt of court and cause confusion throughout the country. I suggest that steps may be taken to at least reserve powers to Parliament either to make laws for contempt of court, or to see that laws relating to contempt of court are brought into some kind of uniformity. It may be put in the Concurrent List, if the words "contempt of court" are inserted in clause (2) of article 13.

 : Would you like to reply, Dr. Ambedkar ?

 : Sir, this article is to be read along with article 8.

Article 8 says – 

     "All laws in force immediately before the commencement of this Constitution in the territory of India, in so far as they are inconsistent with the provision of this Part, shall, to the extent of such inconsistency be void."

And all that this article says is this, that all laws, which relate to libels, slander, defamation or any other matter which offends against decency or morality or undermines the security of the State shall not be affected by article 8. That is to say, they shall continue to operate. If the words "contempt of court" were not there, then to any law relating to contempt of court article 8 would apply, and it would stand abrogated. It is prevent that kind of situation that the words "contempt of court" are introduced, and there is, therefore, no difficulty in this amendment being accepted.

Now with regard to the point made by my Friend Mr. Santhanam, it is quite true that so far as fundamental rights are concerned, the word "State" is used in a double sense, including the Centre as well as the Provinces. But I think he will bear in mind that notwithstanding this fact, a State may make a law as well as the Centre may make a law, some of the heads mentioned here such as libel, slander, defamation, security of Sate, etc., are matters placed in the Concurrent list so that if there was any very great variation among the laws made, relating to these subjects, it will be open to the Centre to enter upon the field and introduce such uniformity as the Centre thinks it necessary for this purpose.

 : But contempt of court is not included in the Concurrent List or any other list.

 : Well, that may be brought in.

 : Then I will put these two amendments to vote. As a matter of fact, Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava's amendment is not an amendment to Mr. Krishnamachari's amendment, it is independent altogether. I will up them separately. First I put Mr. Krishnamachari's amendment to vote.

The question is :

     "That in clause (2) of article 13, after the word 'defamation' the words 'contempt of court' be inserted."
 

The amendment was adopted.

 : Then I will put the amendment of Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava.

The question is :

     "That at the end of the amendment No. 415 of List XVIII (Second Week), the following be added :

     'That for the words 'any law' the words 'any reasonable law' be substituted."

The amendment was negatived.
 

 : Then we take up the new article 302AAA, i.e., amendment No. 450. Mr. Santhanam has made a suggestion that in order to complete the amendment which has just been passed. "Contempt of Court" must be included in the Concurrent List, and I think it is consequential and we had better take that thing.

 : I will move an amendment straightaway, Sir, I move :

     "That after entry 15 in the Concurrent List, the following entry be added :

            '15A. Contempt of Court."

 : I do not think there can be any objection to that.

 : There may be many more such things.

 : May be, but they will come up in time.

So, I will put this to vote.

The question is :

      "That after entry 15 in the Concurrent List, the following entry be added :-

          '15A, Contempt of Court."
 
                           

The amendment was adopted.

Entry 15A was added to the Concurrent List.

New Article 302AAA

 : Then we take up Amendment No. 450.

 : Sir, I beg to move :

     "That after article 302AA, the following new article be inserted :-

'Special provisions as to major ports and aerodromes,

"302AAA. (1)

Notwithstanding

anything contained in this

Constitution, the President

may by public notification

direct that as from such date

as may be specified in the

notification:-

(a) any law made by Parliament or by the Legislature of a State shall not apply to any major port or aerodrome or shall apply thereto subject to such exceptions or modifications as may be specified in the notification, or

(b) any existing law shall cease to have effect in any major port or aerodrome except as respects things done or omitted to be done before the said date or shall in its application to such port or aerodrome have effect subject to such exceptions or modifications as may be specified in the notification.

     (2)  In this article :-

(a) 'major port' means a port declared to be a major port by or under any law made by Parliament or any existing law and includes all areas for the time being included within the limits of such port ;

(b) ‘aerodrome’ means aerodrome as defined for the purposes of the enactments relating to airways, aircraft and air navigation'."

Sir, the reason for moving this article is that certain difficulties have been experienced in regard to what are called international aerodromes, in trying to fit in transit passengers internationals who come in there, but who may not ordinarily for the time, being, come within the scope of the particular laws of the province in which the aerodrome is situation. The idea, I understand is that Santa Cruz Aerodrome in Bombay and Dum Dum in Calcutta are now to be treated as international aerodromes. It is possible that other aerodromes will also be treated as coming under the same category, before long. For instance, if there is absolute prohibition law in regard to liquor in any province, the moment the passenger lands and if he has some liquor with him, he would be coming within the scope of this law of the province, whereas it is only proper that he should come within the scope of the law of the State only when he goes out of the aerodrome into the area covered by the State. Again, there are certain specified security regulations that may be necessary in the aerodromes, but which may not fit in with the scheme of security regulation current in the State. For instances, in military aerodromes the security regulations are very strict because the entire aerodrome is under military control. In the case of civil aerodromes the position is a little different. The Central Government which controls them will have to depend largely on local laws so far as security arrangements and other similar mattes are concerned and it may be necessary not merely to have a preventive staff whom the Central Government is empowered to have by fiscal legislation but also have a special police with special powers for the purpose of dealing with international traffic and those who interfere with it.

The same contingency will apply to major ports, also particularly to new ports that come into being in areas which were formerly called Indian States. There are some difficulties in future. This is merely enabling provisions to permit the President the limited power to get over the difficulties that might arise which would not necessitate the provinces to alter their laws to suit the special circumstances of a port or aerodrome. It will help the provinces to make a law irrespective of the fact that there is a major port or aerodrome situated in the State and it helps the Centre to control those areas if it desires to do so by passing laws in addition to those existing in the provinces or modifying those laws to suit the special circumstances of the case. Instances might be quoted against the utility of an article of this nature but their validity is limited. There are possibilities of more instances of a different nature arising in the future. I repeat that this is an enabling provision which does not seek to interfere with the powers of the provinces at all. Major ports and aerodromes are admittedly under Central control for all purposes and the Centre is also empowered to have additional legislative control by means of Presidential action.

The purpose of the amendment is simple one and I am told which is very necessary in regard to the administration o the aerodromes and major ports concerned with international traffic. I hope the House will accept it.

 : Will there be no changes necessary in the Seventh Schedule ?

: No Major ports and aerodromes are Central subjects.

 : Prof. Shibbanlal Saksena has given notice of an amendment. He is not in his place and therefore it is not moved.

 : Sir, I cannot understand how this article is described as a simple one and merely a consequential change is sought to be made.

 : The Mover said that it is simple article concerned with international traffic and should be approved by the House.

Sir, the preamble does not state why the President should be empowered with extraordinary powers and over rule any law which Parliament may make regarding aerodromes and major ports. These come within the Union List, I do not see why clause (a) provides an law made by Parliament or by the Legislature of a State. I do not think any State is empowered to make laws regarding aerodromes and major ports.

Sir, if this article is meant for emergencies such as was and so on. I can understand it. During the last two World Wars, entry to the aerodromes and major ports was prohibited to the public and many restrictions were imposed regarding traffic therein. I can understand that. But I cannot understand why when Parliament in the ordinary course make laws, such laws should be superseded by the President. What are the reasons for empowering the President to do so ? No case has been made out for this. Today, in the international airports if any passenger comes from foreign countries he is subjected to search. His luggage and even his person are searched. There are both men and women inspectors at the Custom House for this purpose. All these restrictions are there now and so I do not think there is any need to give the President this power. As I said, I can understand the need for this power in an emergency. But, why when laws enacted by Parliament are there for the purpose ordinarily, should the President have power to overrule those laws? In emergencies the position will be different, I agree, I have personal experience of it. Even relatives of persons embarking or disembarking at ports are not allowed access. Such restrictions are there and have been there is times of emergencies. I do not see any necessity for vesting this power in the President. Instead of this, however, I would suggest the following provision : - "Notwithstanding anything contained in this Constitution, the President may by public notification direct as from such date as may be specified any law may be made in the event of an emergency or war." If these lines are added this article would get a different meaning and may be necessary. Otherwise it will mean you want to deprive Parliament of the power of making laws. I want an explanation as to why the words "Legislature of State" are put in. Has any State power to make laws concerning aerodromes ?

 : Sir, I think my Friend Mr. Sidhva has entirely misunderstood the position. If he will refer to List II, in Schedule Seven, items 30 and 35 which relate to the matters covered by the amendment moved by my Friend Shri T. T. Krishnamachari, he will see that the power of legislation given to the Centre under items 30 and 35 is of a very limited character. The power given under item 30 is for the purpose of regulation and organization of air traffic. The power given under 35 is for the purpose delimitation of the Constitution and the powers of port authorities. He will very readily see that, so far as the territory covered by aerodromes or air ports and ports is concerned it is part of the territory of the province and consequently any law made by the State is applicable to the area covered by the aerodrome or the port. These entries 30 and 35 do not give the Centre power to legislate for all matters which lie within the purview of the Central Government under the entries. The powers are limited. therefore, the proposal in this article is this that while it retains the areas covered by the aerodromes and by the ports as part of the area of the provinces it does not exclude them it retains the power of the States to make laws under any of the items contained in List II so as to be applicable to the areas covered by the aerodromes and the areas covered by the ports. What the amendment says is that if the Central Government think that for any particular reason such as for instance sanitation, quarantine, etc, a law is made by the State within whose jurisdiction a particular aerodrome or port is located, then it will be open for the President to say that this particular law of the State shall apply to the aerodrome or to the port subject to this, that or the other notification. Beyond that, there is not invasion on the part of the Centre over the dominion of the States in respect of framing laws relating to entries contained in List II, so far as aerodromes and ports are concerned. I hope my Friend, Mr. Sidhva, will now withdraw his objection.

 : I shall now put amendment No. 450 to the vote. The question is :

     "That after article 302AA, the following new article be inserted:

 Special provisions as to major ports and aerodromes

"302AAA (1)

Notwithstanding anything

contained in this Constitution

, the President  may by  public

notification direct that as from

such date as may be specified

in the notification –

(a) any law made by Parliament or by the Legislature of a State shall not apply to any major port or aerodrome or shall apply thereto subject to such exceptions or modifications as may be specified in the notification, or

(b) any existing law shall cease to have effect in any major port or aerodrome except as respects things done or omitted to be done before the said date, or shall in its application to such port or aerodrome have effect subject to such exceptions or modifications as may be specified in the notification.

     (2) In this article :-

(a) 'major port means a port declared to be a major port by or under any law made by Parliament or any existing law and includes all areas for the time being included within the limits of such port ;

(b) ‘aerodrome’ means aerodrome as defined for the purposes of the enactments relating to airways, aircraft and air navigation."

The motion was adopted.

Article 302AAA was added to the Constitution.

 : Then we go to the next item, article 306A.

 : May I suggest that we pass over the next item for the time being and take up Schedule III-A ?

 : Yes we may take that up.

Schedule III-A

 : Mr. President, Sir, I move :

That after Schedule III, the following Schedule be inserted :
 
                                                "SCHEDULE III-A

[ARTICLES 4(1) & 67(1a)]

ALLOCATION OF SEATS IN THE COUNCIL OF STATES

     To each Sate or Sates specified in the first column of the table of seats appended to this Schedule there shall be allotted the number of seats specified in the second column of the said table opposite to that State or States, as the case may be.
 
                               

                                                TABLE OF SEATS

THE COUNCIL OF STATES

REPRESENTATIVES OF STATES FOR THE TIME BEING SPECIFIED IN PART I OF THE FIRST SCHEDULE

            States

                1

Total Seats

      2

1

Assam     ..        ..                ..         ..             ..

6

2

Bengali    ..        ..                ..         ..             ..

14

3

Bihar       ..        ..                ..         ..             ..

21

4

Bombay   ..        ..                ..         ..             ..

17

5

Koshal-Vidarbh    ..                ..         ..             ..

12

6

Madras   ..         ..                ..         ..             ..

27

7

Orissa    ..         ..                ..          ..             ..