This Constitution is a product of a revolutionary movement and it must reflect the aspirations of the revolutionary masses. We have been conducting a revolution and we are in the midst of it and we have not come to the end of our journey. But during the course of our struggle we have been given some revolutionary and economic ideas which, I am afraid have not been correctly represented, except two niggardly concessions to the ideology of Gandhiji in articles 40 and 43, i.e., regarding village Panchayats and cottage industries. Even retaining the authority for the Centre, even retaining some provisions for stabilizing the society, this is a thing which could have been conceded and provided for in this Constitution. So this Constitution cannot satisfy the needs of the revolution. But I do not feel frustrated. I know history is a developing process. No country has its constitution stabilized through one constitution only. The U.S.S.R. has got it through four Constitutions, first in 1918, then in 1923, then in 1923, then in 1936 and then in 1944. The U.S.A. has got several amendments to its Constitution and I think this Constitution of ours is only a stop-gap arrangements. We have to proceed further so that the revolutionary aspirations of the masses may be correctly represented in the Constitution that will be framed. There is warning from China; that should be taken note of. It is not enough that the Congress has achieved the independence. The masses should and will look towards the future. If we cannot build up a state taking the potentiality of the future into consideration, I am afraid the Congress Party may have the same fate as the Kuomintang in China and I hope the leaders of the Party will take note of it and will frame the future Constitution with a correct perspective so that the aspirations of the masses maybe correctly reflected. Another point in this Constitution on which I have been repeatedly asked by many friends to speak, that is, on the power to detain without trial. Sir, I have passed about a quarter of a century in detention without trial and I know the stings of it, particularly what it means to the relatives of the prisoner. But as I have stated, in this period, just after the transference of power, the Government ought to have such provision; and I say this spite of the fact that I know the sting and I have suffered it to the fullest.
