If the Muslim League does not come in, then in all probability the States will not come in. What happens? Probably you will frame a constitution for Section ‘A’. Perhaps you will be framing a constitution for a Union Centre for the Provinces in Section ‘A’. You may like to have a Union Centre for those Provinces. It is certain however that you will be unable to frame a constitution for Section ‘B’, the majority there being of the Muslim League. The result will be that there will have to be another Constituent Assembly, as Mr. Jinnah is wanting, for the purpose of framing a constitution for Sections ‘B’ and ‘C’. Whether the minorities in those Sections can take advantage of the formula that unwilling parts will not be forced to accept the constitution, whether the Hindus and the Sikhs of the Punjab and the Hindus of Bengal and Assam can take advantage of that provision, I do not know. I can express no opinion on that. It may be that they will be able to take advantage of the principle of this dictum and say, “We had no hand in framing this constitution. Therefore that constitution should not be forced on us.” That is a possibility. This much however is certain that our endeavour to frame a constitution for the whole of India as a Union will be defeated. The possible result of that will be that there may be one constitution for Hindus and another constitution for the Muslims and if this happens, there will be a third constitution for the States, and instead of having one united India, we may be forced to the necessity of having a Hindustan constitution, a mild, abbreviated, or qualified Pakistan Constitution and a Rajasthan constitution also. Your Union at the Centre will go. It will not be established. At present you have got at least this advantage that even though some form of Pakistan will be established in Sections ‘B’ and ‘C’, you have got a Union Centre, attenuated though it may be. Therefore the obvious necessity of the present occasion is that every effort ought to be made to invite the Muslims to come in here, and we should not make it more difficult. This is mainly because our work has to bear fruit. I admire in this behalf the sentiments expressed by Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru in moving the Resolution. He said in effect that we seek the co-operation of the Muslims. We must continue to make an endeavour, though, in the past, our efforts did not evoke enough response. I do not think that my plea can be put in better words. It is clear that you cannot do any constitution-making at least till April next. Therefore, where is the harm in deferring the further consideration of this resolution for a few weeks more until at least you know that the Muslim League, by a formal resolution, has declared its intention not to come in. They must declare their intention during the next few weeks. I read the statement of Sir Stafford Cripps in the parliamentary debate that it was understood that, when Mr. Jinnah went back to India, if the Congress accepted the Statement of 6th December, he would call a meeting of the Muslim League and decide on this question. That was a statement made on the floor of the House of Commons. After you know that by an authoritative formal resolution, the Muslim League has decided not to come in, you can then decide what to do. One hurdle would have been crossed; but I am not disposed to take it for granted that the Muslim League will not come in. It is not practical politics. A friend came to me this morning and said: “Until yesterday, Dr. Jayakar, I was entirely in favour of your Resolution but Mr. Jinnah’s Press Conference in London as made the whole difference.” I said, “What difference has it made?” He said, “Mr. Jinnah has now stated that he will never come into this Constituent Assembly.” I do not think that Mr. Jinnah has made such a statement, and even if so made, I am not disposed to take that statement as the final, authoritative, deliberate, formal decision of the Muslim League. What is the harm in postponing the final vote on this Resolution till then? You are not in any event going to do anything substantial at least until the 20th January, that is four weeks from now. At least till then you should keep the way clear for the Muslim League to come in and take part in the proceedings. One answer to my plea is, “We are not doing anything to which the Muslim League can legitimately object.” That does not touch my point. It is not a question of doing anything to which the Muslim League does not object. It is a question of giving it the right and the opportunity to be present here during the deliberations on this Resolution. That is what I am trying to obtain. Then it is said that there is nothing here which is contrary to the White Paper. That again does not touch my point. My object is to save the work of this Constituent Assembly from becoming infructuous. Wait, go slow. A few weeks are not going to make any substantial difference. It is not going to cause any great harm if you, instead of passing this Resolution in the present session, deferred it to a few weeks hence. The fact is that you are going to adjourn till the end of January but you will not do so, not in compliance with the terms of my amendment. That is a significant fact. Why don’t you wait for a little while and thereby make it less difficult for the Muslim League to come in. I am told, “What is the grievance? The Muslim League can come in later after we pass this Resolution.” My reply is that it is their right to be present at these deliberations, and to make their contribution. Please remember that the Muslim League leader has already raised the grievance in his Press Conference in London. “I do not want to be presented with a fait accompli”, he complains. Will you now give him the opportunity of justly complaining that an important and vital question, like laying down the fundamentals of the Constitution, has been finished in his absence, knowing that he was likely to come in? Are you not thereby making it more difficult for the Muslim League to come into the Constituent Assembly? What I am urging on your attention is this: that as you are doing a good deal of what my amendment wants you to do, what is the harm in accepting my amendment? I say, “Go slow”. What is the harm? Do you wish to say we shall go slow but not in compliance with your amendment i.e., not for enabling the Muslim League to come in? That is hardly dignified. It looks so petty. It will be a graceful gesture, if you say ‘we are postponing because we wish to give the Muslim League of chance of coming in, so that this question may be discussed and finally adopted in their presence’. This is the position Sir, as Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru said, there is great need of the spirit of co-operation and accommodation at the present time, having regard to the great difficulties through which we are passing. I have explained to you the difficulties and also the danger of this work becoming fruitless. In the light of that possibility and danger, I would urge, with all the words at my command that the words of Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru ought to be translated into action. We seek Muslim co-operation, we go out of our way to seek it by postponing this Resolution. Sir, miles away from here is working that solitary figure, whose steps we claim to follow, the great Mahatma:- alone, stinted of sleep, stinted in food and stinted in health, grieved and solitary, he is trying to win the Muslim community by friendly co-operation and goodwill. Why can we not follow his example here? Sir, if I may say so, I am glad you are here to preside over the deliberations of this august Assembly, and from what I have known of you all these years, your great capacity for goodwill, your gentleness, your spirit of accommodation and your ability to see the opposite point of view, having regard to all these virtues, I think, it is very significant that at this time you are in the Chair and my effort is for establishing that atmosphere in which your efforts, with your particular gift of fascination, can best thrive. Therefore, I am making this plea that we should defer the consideration of this Resolution so that you will have the chance of obtaining Muslim co-operation. But it is said we will after the Resolution when they come in. It is neither wise nor easy to alter deliberately-adopted Resolution. The substance of my plea is to allow the Muslim League an opportunity to take part in the deliberations, sit by your side, make speeches not ex post facto but before and during the passing of this Resolution. That is real co-operation and not asking them after they want to come in and accept what you have done.
