Sir, If I may venture to put it that way, it is not only a matter of culture or good-breeding, but it is statesmanship to think of those who are absent, to think of other people than ourselves, when we deal with any matter. That is why in proposing every motion, Hon’ble Members have dealt with the intentions and purposes of those who are not yet present in this Assembly. We find a great many possibilities of misunderstanding and we try to anticipate those difficulties and remove possibilities of misunderstanding as far as we can. In this connection I would mention, therefore, that those who are absent should not misunderstand the purpose of this Committee that I am proposing. The Muslim League policy has been to secure a separate, sovereign State of their own. Now, this Constituent Assembly has taken up its task on the basis of the Cabinet Mission’s Statement and if one thing is more clearly decided in His Majesty’s Government’s Statement than anything else, It is this, that there shall be only one sovereign state in India. It has been decided clearly beyond all possibility of doubt that a division of India into two sovereign states is not to be thought of in this connection. That explains many of the things that we are doing and will remove many of the misunderstandings that are likely to arise. If I may put it that way, the League has gone the wrong way for securing their objective. If they had only restricted their claims to what legitimately should be asked in pursuance of their policy, possibly they might have achieved their object and they would not have been in the present difficulty. Let me put it frankly. The greatest difficulty for the Muslim League now is that they have to join this Assembly and thereby, once for all and beyond doubt, accept the single sovereign State of India. That is why they find it difficult to come in, and that is why these postponements. That is why the League fixes its date always after the meetings that the other major parties have programmed for their consultations. That is why we find to-day, even after the last adjournment, the League has been unable to make up its mind and join us. Let us understand the difficulties of the other side. If the League comes in, they come in on the express understanding that India shall be only one sovereign State, abandoning their separatist policy. This is difficult for them to do at once. Let us realise these difficulties and not misunderstand even the delays. We desire to proceed with the work as fast as possible, understanding very well the difficulties of the Muslim League members in the way of their coming and joining us at this stage. Let them think it over. Let us give them ample time to come. But that does not mean that we stop our work that we stop thinking, that we stop doing anything whatsoever, until they make up their minds. That would lead to indefinite postponement. Hence, Sir, I have no hesitation in recommending this Resolution that we should appoint this Committee of twelve members as proposed, so that they may think out all the difficulties and advise us so that we may frame a constitution for India which will create no difficulties for those who have to work it, and which will be a stable, strong constitution for the Centre with stable and strong constitutions for the provinces, to work under the Centre and in the single State that is being contemplated. Therefore Sir, I move that this Resolution be accepted by the House. As I said before, there are two amendments. One is to replace the election by proportional representation, by twelve members definitely named to the House; and the other is to provide for quorum and another is to provide for casual vacancies. I commend the Resolution with these amendments.
